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More From Politics Online

I was planning to do more live blogging from POLC yesterday, but the breakout sessions were in fairly small rooms and I ended up standing most of the day. That’s not terribly conducive to breaking out the laptop.

Morning Plenary Sessions

At any rate, day one was pretty decent. The first panel on using off-the-shelf business software in a campaign was almost entirely uninteresting to me. I sat in for part of it, but it was just too painful. If you’re looking for a CRM solution, then sure, Salesforce.com will probably fit your needs. If you want to go beyond an electronic Rolodex and integrate your donor, voter, and microtargeting data, then you really need someone who understands how all of those pieces fit together.

That’s actually the problem a lot of people have buying software from political application developers. Take Vocus, for instance. They’re a good group of guys, but they developed their application around a PAC. If you’re managing a PAC, it’s a great fit. If you’re managing an advocacy group, or a campaign, you’re S.O.L. If you’re looking for a good package for candidates and, to a lesser extent, state parties, then Aristotle is great. It’s not so good for PACs.

I would never use Salesforce to try and run my campaign or an organization. If I were running a business, they would be high on my list.

The second plenary I touched on yesterday. It was a good discussion, but the people who most needed to hear it, as I said, were nowhere near the building, let alone the room.

Google’s Keynote

Google’s SVP for Government Affairs (or some such title) took the stage just after lunch. I honestly expected him to launch into a diatribe about net neutrality, but he didn’t. He did pontificate on the “information should be free” movement.

He also made some comments to the effect that Viacom’s copyright infringement suit against Google was being done solely “to gain attention”. He also joked that people think Google knows everything there is to know about them – and they do. He followed that up with a quip about how that would be a bad thing to have circulating via YouTube. I’ll make the video available to anyone who asks…

Afternoon Sessions

I was on a panel for the first session. It was sort of an odd mix of folks with me, Mike Liddell from the DSCC, and Neil Hare from an outfit called ISupportThisMessage.com. Neil suggested that the web could supplant direct mail and should be considered for low dollar races. I don’t agree.

I think the Internet is certainly a cheaper means of reaching people, but everyone has their preferred means of contact. If your campaign calls me on the phone, I’m likely to hang up on you. Send me a piece of direct mail, and I’ll read every word. I probably won’t respond, but I will read it. Send me an e-mail, and I’m likely to act.

The best campaign should a) incorporate everything you do offline – whether it’s political, fundraising, polling, communications, or anything else; and b) use every available medium to reach you. The old adage was a voter should wake up and hear your name on the radio, turn on the TV and see you, drive past a billboard and see your face, hear your name from friends at the office water cooler, see a bumper sticker on the car ahead of you while driving home, and see you again on TV that night. The only thing that has changed in that mix is the Internet.

Those water cooler conversations have gone online and are now the blogs we read. The Internet is the focal point of word of mouth marketing in the world today. If you ignore it, you ignore the greatest marketing tool known to man.

The Internet also gives you the greatest advertising medium known to man because you can so carefully target your message. Why buy an ad in the local paper that relies on generic simplistic messages when you can move that ad online and target exactly the person you want to reach with exactly the message you want to deliver?

Need to reach people in precincts 415-421? Buy weather.com and accuweather.com for that zip code. You’ll probably spend about $30/M, and I can almost guarantee you will reach only the people who are in those precincts. Your creative can talk to them specifically about the local streets and the need for a speed hump.

That’s a capability that direct mail, television, and telemarketing (for the most part), do not offer. That doesn’t mean there is no place for other media.

The final session I attended largely repeated sentiments from the others. I sat in on a session on the “technology candidate”. Mike Connell, who I have worked with for several years, made the best point I heard at the conference.

I’m paraphrasing, but he said the one thing a candidate who gets technology really needs to do is surround himself with people who get technology. I could not agree more. There is nothing on earth as annoying as working for a guy who gets it, but knowing that almost everyone he has hired doesn’t.

If you understand the transformative power of the Internet in politics, one of the first questions you should ask any potential campaign manager or communications/political director is how they see the Internet playing a role in what they do. If they offer you platitudes about the Internet, and tell you how important it is, show them the door.

They should talk to you about integrating cell phones and PDAs into a walk program, making call and walk lists available via the web, being able to register people, and track the status of that registration to ensure it gets completed, and the importance of bloggers to both spread and amplify the campaign message as well as to attract and mobilize activists, hire them.

The “technology candidate” cannot continue to hire people who have no understanding of the capabilities of a modern campaign, and expect to be successful.

That’s the takeaway from POLC this year. The conference is going on today, and I may head over this afternoon. If I do, I’ll offer more thoughts later.

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The New Mexico Situation

I’ve resisted the temptation to write on the ongoing problem with New Mexico’s former US Attorney David Iglesias, his firing, subsequent congressional testimony, and fallout from the comments of people in NM who should know better.

I was raised in New Mexico and lived there until I was 29. I served as the Communications Director, Deputy Director and Executive Director of the New Mexico GOP at various times between 1995 and 2003. I’ve worked closely with just about everyone involved in this case with the exception of the current Chairman, and I like all of them. However, the stunning lack of judgment that is on display has made me speak out.

Unlike a lot of bloggers, I’m squarely on the side of David Iglesias. He’s a good guy. He was a lazy candidate, but he’s a decent person.

The public relations disaster in which the Administration finds itself is entirely of its own making. The Justice Department screwed this up terribly. The minute that they alleged the firings (universally) were due to performance problems, they should have seen this going down in exactly this way.

If you are asked to leave a company, for whatever reason, and you come to a deal with your former employer to make the transition smooth, you expect them to honor that. The last thing you would expect to see is the guys you just left trashing you in the media, and making you sound incompetent.

According to both his internal performance reviews and the White House’s own list of poor performing USAs, Iglesias was doing a good job. His firing, based on news reports, seems to be entirely a function of his refusal to rush an investigation and issue indictments simply so his party would benefit at the polls.

Sampson sent an e-mail to Miers in March 2005 that ranked all 93 U.S. attorneys. Strong performers “exhibited loyalty” to the administration; low performers were “weak U.S. attorneys who have been ineffectual managers and prosecutors, chafed against Administration initiatives, etc.” A third group merited no opinion.

At least a dozen prosecutors were on a “target list” to be fired at one time or another, the e-mails show.

Only three of those eventually fired were given low rankingsTwo were given strong evaluations: [including] David C. Iglesias in Albuquerque, who has alleged political interference from GOP lawmakers…

In September, Sampson produced another list of firing candidates

Iglesias, the New Mexico prosecutor, was not on that list. Justice officials said Sampson added him in October… [emphasis mine]

In other words, Iglesias was doing a good job, had been loyal to the Administration, was pushing the Bush agenda. All that good came to an end when he refused to issue bogus indictments.

Now I don’t believe for a minute that Domenici intended to pressure Iglesias. His style is sometimes rough, but I have always known him to be a good guy. I have been on the receiving end of a couple of calls from him and I know the feeling Iglesias describes as a pit in the stomach. It’s more a reaction to his position than it is to him. I think he may sometimes lose sight of the position he holds in the eyes of others.

That said, I believe the blame for this debacle rests solely on the shoulders of the Justice Department. They screwed this up, and screwed it up badly. There were about a dozen ways they could have handled this better. None of them involved a public proclamation challenging the competence of people who otherwise had been party loyalists for years.

I am pleased to see Sampson resign, but I do not believe his head should be the last to roll.

I don’t want a US Attorney who will misuse the power of his office just to ensure Republican electoral victory. If we truly believe, as Ken Mehlman, Newt Gingrich, and Karl Rove have all said, that our party is built on the strength of our ideas, then why do we need to fast track indictments against Democrats to win? And why do we feel the need to punish and slander those who follow the law?

Anyone in the Department of Justice or the White House who has willingly misused the power of law to pursue political goals should be run out as well. When they’re fired, by the American people, they’ll truly know what it means to lose your job for poor performance.

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GOP Campaigns Online

Since I was called out specifically by name (along with my good friends Patrick and Mindy) in a recent post by William Beutler, I felt compelled to reply, so I left a comment on his blog.

Days go by and I was having lunch with Mindy today. We got to talking about the nature of Republican campaigns, and the people in them. She touched on a valid point that brought Beutler’s post back to my mind. Her point was the same point she made in a TechPresident post on candidate use of e-mail. I’ll get to her point in a moment.

There are two aspects to why Republicans aren’t doing very well online – we do not engage in the same types of activities online, and our campaigns largely do not yet see the value of the Internet.

What Republicans Do Online

First, and most important, is the fact that we simply do not engage in the same type of activities online. At the RNC and on the Bush Campaign, we took a look at the type of sites that were more commonly trafficked by voters from each party. We did polling to look at partisan behavior on the web in an effort to determine why the Democrats were successful at raising money online.

The nature of the polling was aimed at answering a simple question. We had data that indicated Republicans were more likely to spend money online with e-commerce sites. There was a great comfort with buying online, but that had not extended to giving to campaigns. Needless to say, this seemed odd. If people were willing to give their credit card info via a website, why wouldn’t they contribute that way?

We began to look at the patterns of behavior for partisans on both sides. On the GOP side, the sites visited tended toward e-commerce and sites that reflected individual pursuits. On the Dem side, we saw a lot more sites like Blue Mountain Greetings or social sites (blogs, greeting cards, and collective activities).

Those differences drove my pursuit of tools and activities that freed volunteers to participate from home without ever looping through the campaign. There just wasn’t a lot of interest, among Republicans online, in social networking activities via the web. There was a lot of interest in social networking offline through house parties and such. That was illustrated by the fact that we had upwards of 5,000 to 8,000 Parties during our national party days (versus 2-3k for MoveOn and the Dean campaign).

Republicans were simply not as interested in virtual networking – they do most of it in the real world. (Understand, like any polling, this was a snapshot in time. These findings may not hold true today, but I believe they do).

The Role Of The Campaign

The obvious question all this begs is this: would Republicans be more likely to engage if they were given the option?

As I said, on the campaign, and at the RNC, the tools I was involved with building were aimed at a specific demographic – one that seemed to fit the typical Republican online – those who wanted to engage in the campaign, wanted to be involved, but didn’t want to participate in the process. I wrote about this in a post on PDF almost two years ago, but skipped the polling discussion because it was still fresh enough to be sensitive.

Some of the tools we developed were intended to be more open. There were concerns raised that the insight gleaned from our polling would presage an inevitable failure since our people, according to the data, were simply not likely to use them. They were, however, meant to be more engaging, and more inviting. They didn’t end up that way and the end result was bureaucracy heavy tools.

So we have a bizarre catch-22 that Beutler recognizes in his post. Do you build tools for the audience you have or the audience you want?

Mindy’s post indicates that the answer, in practice at least, is the former. Republicans are still pursuing a strategy of closed, top-down systems. The people in campaigns still see campaigns as top-down and that’s largely due to their perception that our people are not engaged. GOP campaign professionals (and I’m excluding Internet strategists) ignore the fact that people may be disengaged because the few opportunities available for participation in a top-down paradigm are not engaging.

The Internet is still, unlike in many Democrat campaigns, being treated as an extension of the communications/messaging apparatus. It is a very expensive glossy brochure. Republicans have not learned the value of including the eCampaign in the candidate’s inner circle.

If positioned properly, the eCampaign should have an online complement for every offline activity. Nothing should happen on the ground in Iowa or New Hampshire that doesn’t resonate through every voter following the campaign in Montana or Idaho. Most campaigns, despite their use of YouTube, still see the Internet as a novelty.

Looking back to Beutler’s post, his claim is the 2004 campaign didn’t include a competitve primary, so the people doing online campaigns did not have their skills honed. Frankly, it’s kind of a BS argument. There were enough competitve, Internet influenced elections at the congressional, state and local level in both 2004 and 2006 that even if the Presidential election hadn’t produced anything, there should be a decent farm team in place to step up now.

As for the presidential election, I heard the same criticism of the GOP leading up to 2004. I had calls from consultants telling me that Bush was going to lose solely because of what we were doing online. After the election, after making half a million calls through our online phone bank (the bulk of which were in Ohio and Florida) and after delivering GOTV messages, with maps and driving directions to poll locations, to millions of voters (which contributed to significant improvements in voter turnout), I heard a different story.

I heard we did everything right because we focused on the one thing that mattered. We didn’t focus on socializing. We didn’t focus on some feel-good notion of “fighting against the tendency to bowl alone”. We didn’t focus on using every fad technology just so people would think we were cutting edge. We focused on the role technology could play in attracting supporters, giving them the tools to communicate (on their terms) with their friends and neighbors, and getting them to turn out and vote on election day.

In short, we focused on actually winning the election.

The campaign’s shortcoming, if there is one, was the fact that in the two years since, nobody has learned from that lesson and built on what was won.

The RNC, rather than expanding on that, building new tools, spending time marketing them and building awareness of what was available, instead retreated into a world run by the NY Times and Washington Post. Everything they did online (read: web video commercials) was done for a media hit, not to attract visitors or supporters.

The campaigns today are similarly top-down. McCainSpace is a perfect example of that. It has been 14 days since I created my page, and it still has not been approved. I have received no rejection, no e-mail indicating there is a problem, and no request to change the content. There is simply stony silence.

The trouble is not the Internet strategists, it is a party that doesn’t believe its people will step up and participate if they are invited to do so. If you’re cynical, you could make an argument that it is a party that doesn’t trust its people enough to let them participate.

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Prognostication

Here’s my prediction about Marcotte fallout. Now that Presidential campaigns have officially joined the ranks of Senate and Congressional campaigns being held accountable for questionable hires, you will likely see a lot of attacks by a lot of different groups on the bloggers hired by just about every campaign.

Ultimately, I think this may be more damaging to Democrats than to Republicans, but I suspect there is a lot of damage to be spread around. There has been an growing trend in politics to assail the staff of candidates as a way of damaging the candidates. For all the Democrats who feign outrage at the treatment of ‘poor Miss Marcotte’, let us reflect on the unrelenting attacks on Terry Nelson (examples here, here, here and here).

As bloggers go, I think bloggers on the left tend to be more offensive in language and tone, so I think assailing their past statements will probably be easier for Republicans. That’s not to say the use of course language by Republicans is non-existent. You only need to read this blog on occasion to find examples. I do think the Democrats give us more ammunition, though.

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Cold Soup

Oct 19 2006 Published by under Operatives, Politics, The Internet

The oddly titled discussion site “HotSoup” is up and running. Sadly, it’s even worse than I had suspected it would be. I honestly don’t know where to begin with a critical review.

From a design perspective, it make little sense to me to put the one clear piece of dynamic content (the really annoying headline bar) at the very bottom of the page. They built the site to have a significant space for ads, but have none, so that leaves a huge empty block on the page. The upper right of the homepage has a little blurb extolling the people who founded the site, but then tries to convince you it’s not about them.

Click through to a feature contributors post, and you get even more confused. Something called the V-Factor rates posts on a scale between “never” and “definitely will”, but completely fails to indicate what they will never or always do? What the hell is that?

Perhaps the most vexing thing about the site is the apparent lack of any correlation between the name and the content. Their content is divided into “Issue Loops” but that bears little relationship to Hot Soup. They might as well have called the site Eggplant.com.

Honestly, I don’t get it. I have a lot of respect for the people involved in this, but it may be the most poorly conceived idea since Kevin Federline.

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